NCCA farcical election of December 10

To give you a glimpse on the politics of language in thePhilippines, here's a letter of protest by Dr. Nolasco of KWF decrying the underhanded methods employed in the recent election.

Baleg so epekto to yan agawad NCCA. No basaen yo ya maong et natalusan ya saray Tagalog gabay da ya sikara labat so minabang ed publikon institusyon ya singa National Language and Translation Committee na NCCA. So antak et anggapoy miyembro na satan ya executive committee ya Pangasinense. Sinolo na saray Tagalog aman ta walay getma da ya kontrolen iramay arom ya dila ed panangiyalis daray dokumento o antokaman. Nepeg labat ya amin ya salita komon et nairiprisinta ed satan ya committee. No walay miyembro tayod diman, walay boses na Pangasinan.

I include here a petition letter written by Edgar Godin, based on Nolasco's letter, for concerned artists and cultural workers or anyone interested in the preservation of Philippine languages. Please send it to the NCCA with your name and signature affixed.


REPUBLIKA NG PILIPINAS
Tanggapan ng Pangulo
KOMISYON SA WIKANG FILIPINO

G/F Watson Bldg., 1610 J.P. Laurel Street
San Miguel, Manila
P.O Box 2282 Manila

13 December 2007

Usec Vilma Labrador
Acting Chairperson
National Commission on Culture and the Arts
Intramuros Manila

Dear Usec. Labrador:

This refers to the undersigned's letter dated 10 December 2007 expressing his protest over the election of officers of the National Committee on Language and Translation Executive Council (NCLT-ExeCon2007 - 2010 held on even date. (Please see Annex "A".)

It may be important to note at the outset that through a letter dated 06 December 2007, the undersigned, for and in behalf of the Komisyon sa Wikang Filpino (KWF), moved that National Commission on Culture and the Arts (NCCA) defer the said election (Annex "B"). Hereinbelow are the grounds:

(a) Failure to communicate with the stakeholders the rules on application for membership to the NCLT; and

(b) Gross underrepresentation of the sector and mass disenfranchisement.

Failure to Communicate the Rules on NCLT Membership

In a letter dated 07 December 2007, Dr. Galileo S. Zafra, NCLTSecretary, rebutted the claims of the undersigned (Annex "C").Concerning the first allegation, he asseverated that the rules on the application for membership to the NCLT were published in three (3) newspapers (i.e., Manila Standard, Philippine Daily Inquirer,and Manila Bulletin). The same were also reportedly posted at the NCCA website, and announced during the television and radio programs(i.e., Sining Gising at Channel 4 and DZRH)

Contrary to the claims of Dr. Zafra, however, the specific rules on application for membership to the NCLT (i.e. well known in language teaching, not limited to the Filipino language) were never published(Annex "D"). What the NCCA published in the newspapers are the 2007 Amended Implementing Rules and Regulations of Republic Act No. 7356.

Thus, while the NCAA Board has widened the criteria for membership in the NCLT to include thereto those in the language teaching and translation professions (not only involving the national language),the same has been rendered meaningless because such information did not reach and was not widely communicated to the stakeholders. Consequently, the KWF received many complaints from institutions, organizations and individuals saying that they were not able to apply for membership with the NCLT because of lack of knowledge and information, thereby requesting the postponement of the election of officers for the NCLT ExeCon 2007 - 2010 (Annexes "E" to "M").

Gross Under-representation Inequitable Distribution and Disenfranchisement

The ineffectual promulgation of the rules on application for NCLT membership resulted in gross underrepresentation, inequitable distribution and disenfranchisement of stakeholders in Philippine languages and translation.

Per records, only 37 applicants applied for the NCLT membership, with only 27 were found to be qualified as election participants for the Executive Council (ExeCon) 2007-2010 (Annex "N"). Of this number, 20 are representatives of the Tagalog/Filipino language. Moreover, the so called eligible voters form no more than six (6)interlocking directorates/affiliates in a common entity or association (Annexes "O","O-1"TO"O-10". These six interlocking entities consist of UP, SANGFIL, FIT, the WIKA network, PSLF and SALIN.

To illustrate, Dr. Zafra , a Tagalog, is a faculty member of the University of the Philippines Departamento ng Filipino, permanent secretary general of SANGFIL, (Sangunian sa Filipino), Katipong Tagapagpaganap of FIT (Filipinas Institute of Translation), and signatory to the WIKA (Wika ng Kultura at Agham) petition. He cannot hide his affiliations by simply saying that he registered as an individual applicant, (Look at Annex "O" for more cases.)

No representative from the indigenous peoples of Mindanao and the Muslimized groups involved in language work and translation was able to vote and be voted upon in the elections. As expected, the six (6)interlocking entities led by Virgilio Armalio "won" in the uncontested election.

As submitted by the different stakeholders in the Philippine languages and translation petitioning for postponement, the election of officers for the NCLT ExeCon 2007 - 2010 held on 10 December 2007 runs counter to the very principles to which the NCCA policies and programs are ought to be governed, i.e., "pluralistic" (by fostering deep respect for the cultural identity of each locality, region or ethno linguistic locality, as well as elements assimilated from other cultures through the natural process of acculturations), "democratic" (by encouraging and supporting the participation of the vast masses of the Filipino people in each programs and projects), and "non-partisan" (by being open to all people and institutions, regardless of creed, affiliation, ideology, ethnic origin, age, gender, or class, with no organized group or sector having monopoly of its services.

In view of the foregoing, the undersigned respectfully moves that the NCCA Board of Commissioners: (a) declare a failure and / or nullification of election for the officers of the NCLT - Execon2007 - 2010; (b) formulate rules which will ensure the democratic participation of the different stakeholders in order to prevent a repeat of the December 10 farcical election, and (c) authorize the conduct of a new one after proactively inviting stakeholders in the different regions and ethnolinguistic groups and effectively disseminating the rules on application for NCLT membership to allow all the interested parties to submit their respective applications therefor.

It is further prayed that the election for the representative of the Subcommission on Cultural Dissemination to the NCCA Board scheduled on 14 December 2007 be held in abeyance until after the resolution of the controversy at hand.

Thank you.

Very truly yours,

RICARDO MA. NOLASCO
Acting Chairperson

SEEKING THE DECLARATION OF FAILURE OR NULLIFICATION OF THE DECEMBER 10, 2007 ELECTION FOR THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE ON LANGUAGE AND TRANSLATION- EXECUTIVE COUNCIL 2007-2010

WHEREAS, pursuant to Section 56, Rule X of the 2007 Amended Implementing Rules and Regulations of Republic Act No. 7356, there shall be National Committees (NCs) which shall be composed of artists and cultural workers, and individuals recognized in their fields, organized into groups, which shall be the mechanism through which the community of Philippine artists and cultural workers can participate in decision-making, preparation of policies and programs affecting culture and arts;

WHEREAS, according to the same section, NCs are encouraged to set up their membership so that the various ethno-linguistic groups and organizations of artists and cultural workers coming from the political subdivisions of the country are properly and equitably represented ;

WHEREAS, the specific membership requirements for the NCLT – which in effect broadened the institutional membership to applicants involved in the preservation, development and promotion of the Philippine languages , and individual membership to applicants who are translators, researchers, educators, or advocates of the Philippine languages – were never published nor properly disseminated for the information and guidance of all concerned;

WHEREAS, as a consequence, only 37 applicants applied for NCLT membership, with only 27 were found to be qualified as election participants for the Executive Council (ExeCon) 2007-2010, most of which are Tagalog and Metro Manila based and forming no more than six (6) interlocking directorates /affiliates in a common entity or association (UP, SANGFIL, FIT, the WIKA network, PSLF and SALIN);

WHEREAS, in spite of the request by the various sectors for the postponement thereof, the election for the 13-member NCLT ExeCon 2007-2010 pushed through on 10 December 2007;

NOW, THEREFORE, we, the different stakeholders in the field of Philippine languages and translation, do hereby strongly urge the NCCA Board of Commissioners, either during a special meeting or through a referendum, to: (a) declare a failure of election for the NCLT ExeCon 2007-2010 as the same runs counter to the very principles by which the NCCA policies and programs are ought to be governed, i.e., "pluralistic" (by fostering deep respect for the cultural identity of each locality, region or ethno-linguistic locality, as well as elements assimilated from other cultures through the natural process of acculturation) , " democratic" (by encouraging and supporting the participation of the vast masses of the Filipino people in its programs and projects), and "non-partisan" (by being open to all people and institutions, regardless of creed, affiliation, ideology, ethnic origin, age, gender or class, with no organized group or sector having monopoly of its services); (b) formulate rules which will ensure the democratic participation of the sector; and (c) set a new election date for the officers of the NCLT ExeCon, after allowing the submission of additional applications for individual and institutional NCLT membership based on the duly promulgated rules.

It is further prayed that the election for the representative of the Subcommission on Cultural Dissemination to the NCCA Board scheduled on 14 December 2007 be held in abeyance until after the resolution of the controversy at hand.

Signed on ___ December 2007, Philippines.

Rethinking Nationalism: The Legacy of Jose Wright Diokno

But I can tell you the dream all Philippine nationalists share. It is the dream to be the first colony in Asia to achieve modernity, as it was the first to mount a revolution and the first to attain independence. It is the dream to join the modern world without sacrificing democracy to dictatorship, as others are doing; nor at the expense of the poor – who have paid the price elsewhere - but of those who reaped the benefits of colonialism and therefore can afford the cost of modernization. Philippine nationalism is determined to achieve this dream...

A fiery senator from the Philippines addressed these candid words to a mixed audience in New York. Every uttered word, every compass and stroke of his firm hands, his reverberating tone inside the hall could not escape the dense scrutiny of the adamant crowd, most of them whites, comprising of politicians, businessmen and others. It was like hearing an unheard revelation that deserved critical analysis of which it could irritate American sensitivity. But this did not deter the man in the platform. He might have thought about it, a day or months before, and his resolve was to deliver it as it was. No matter what would happen, the consequences he must bear. And he did. Now, as he approached the terminal part of his brilliant exposition on nationalism, here contained the coup de grace that would create his enemies. “... [T]o leave us alone,” came out from his uncouth mouth like a thunder as it roared and wildly shocked the disconcerted assembly. No one could ever spoke with such audacity and temerity before a peregrine throng except the man of his time - Jose Wright Diokno.

Jose Diokno, or Pepe as his colleagues called him, knew that what he had done would put him on the suspicious surveillance of the authorities. It was 1968 and President Ferdinand Marcos was now three years in office. Diokno’s public career reached the limelight when as Secretary of Justice he brazenly exposed anomalous deals involving Harry Stonehill, an American tobacco magnate and quite a number of government officials. The investigation uncovered the deadening corruption besetting the Macapagal government. Diokno’s stint as Justice Secretary came to an end when at the heat of the controversy the administration gave notice of his forcible resignation. Unperturbed by this momentary setback, Diokno achieved the zenith of his political career as he would become the bold senator from Batangas. Entangled in numerous political engagements around the country, the radical posture he has shown to the American public served only as a foretaste of his nationalism.

He lived in a turbulent decade of widespread corruption inside the bureaucratic limits of the government he served. Reelected in 1969, Marcos’ actuations hinted a furtive desire of usurping more powers. Diokno, on one hand, sensed the proximate probability of Marcos using his emergency powers to stay longer. In a speech delivered in the Senate in mid-June 1972, Diokno prophetically declared that “a throne of bayonets” was in the offing. Succinctly underlining the classical symptoms of an autocracy, he disclosed that “under the present constitution, therefore, there is no legal way which President Marcos may extend. He could only hold on to the presidency illegally.” His dire prediction arrived.

In September 21, more than two months after he delivered his speech, Martial Law placed the entire country under the soon-to-be repressive authority of Marcos and the military. Diokno was caught suddenly in a tight spot because of his political convictions. Marcos ordered his imprisonment together with fellow opposition leaders. Nothing could be more realistic and descriptive of a political prisoner than Diokno’s experience in a cell. Thus, when he spoke about human rights he elucidated with authority, not because he was a man of stature but a witness he was of how cruel and oppressive the militaristic rule he resisted.

After the sluggish years in detention when he was freed rather reluctantly, the inertia in him that was stored for years began to unfold. Indeed, the state of inactivity as he described it as “life of boredom, a life of frustration” would be eventually liberated by a buried energy, which would put him in the forefront of nationalist history. It was the history, which he tried to mold and reconstruct when all formidable obstacles were mounted against him. Despite the grave threat that would arise from his frank protestations and creed against Martial Law, he was determined to inform his people.

With sharp and perceptive dissection of events, he articulated his sympathy for the nation. Taking his cue from the great Claro M. Recto, he knew well the illness that has plagued his country. “The true believer in Recto,” Diokno asserted, “owes it to himself to come out of the shell in which he has hibernated during the last two years and a half, and speak out against the desecration of our democratic institution.” That he became a true believer of Recto is unquestionably true. He practiced what he preached. Recto’s nationalism acquired a new form and character as Diokno imbibed that ideology throughout his life and career.

Along with Tañada and Recto, he recognized the existence of US military bases as an obvious form of United States neocolonialism. He did not fail to invoke his sentiments about the external and internal menace that would arise when the military bases shall continue in Philippine territory. To him, full and plenary sovereignty required the exercise of such sovereignty without the impediments of colonial control. Dismantling the bases, he argued, was the first step towards attaining that ultimate goal.

Hence, he organized the Anti-Bases Coalition (ABC) together with other leading nationalists – a movement whose objective was to drive out the bases and return them to its rightful owners. Throughout his pronouncements, a thread could be traced between its lines - that of genuine nationalism, which pulsated poignantly in his heart. “Nationalism,” Diokno emphasized, “is more than patriotism. It is also the belief that, because the Philippines is our country, it is we who must have the power to direct its affairs, internal and external for it is we who bear the responsibility for its future.”

Because the people decide on their own government, it is the people who must bear the responsibility. Only an informed people could direct the path to freedom and progress. During his speaking engagements, his convictions did not waver about the need to continue the democratic struggle. Quiet submission to the use of force appeared to him as pusillanimity. He warned that such course “not only condemns our rights to death, we also condemn our hopes and our dreams, our present and our children’s future.”

While Pepe Diokno did not see the day when American soldiers withdrew from Subic and Clark, his convictions, more or less, contributed to the cause, which he espoused - the eviction of the military bases. Recto, Tañada and Diokno, the triumvirate as pillars of Filipino nationalism, belonged to a tumultuous era when being nationalist was equated with being communist; hence, an enemy of the state. But Diokno braved all the storms risking even his life to a meaningful end.

It is only right to pay homage to the man whose untarnished integrity remains an inspiration for all Filipinos. This inevitably brings us to the question: what was the impact of Diokno’s legacy today? It is similar in asking: did Diokno’s dream of a ‘nation for our children’ become a tangible reality? Pity because economic statistics answers with a resounding no! Four consecutive presidencies had come and went but a real democracy never existed. A burgeoning population with hungry stomachs, with no jobs and without the benefit of a decent home is still around. Disparity of income created a very wide chasm between the rich and the poor. Personality and traditional politics failed to restructure the government. Although American troops had left since 1991, both the Philippines and the U.S. – a little different from the former military agreement – signed new military pacts. Diokno might have been so uneasy in his grave learning that the military alliance he criticized is back again.

He struggled for the betterment of his beloved country yet treacherous circumstances foiled his attempts – the paradoxical realities after EDSA. Nationalism burned in his heart yet deceitful circumstances again tried to but failed to stifle that passion. More than ever, his nationalism still can wage war against such contradictions. While vestiges of colonialism stay and abetted by the status quo, Jose Diokno, the name resonates a call for nationalism. It did not die with him. It is only again about to begin. It is a challenge he bequeathed to his people for those who would dare.

[First published in People's Digest Newsweekly (Dagupan City) July 17-23, 2007]

Language Recognition

If non-Tagalogs want their language to be recognized locally and internationally, they must start institutionalizing departments of linguistics in universities of their respective regions and localities. If they want to put an end to the masquerade that Tagalog is the language of Filipinos when in fact there are other languages, marginalized by the status quo, now is the auspicious time to do so.

Language is wealth. Universities abroad are capitalizing on our languages and they are earning dollars from them. They are robbing us of our heritage and they are the ones who get recognition. Filipino intellectuals and cultural artists must secure to themselves the cultures of their ancestors by studying, propagating and disseminating them.

In terms of economic productivity as a language, English had become the richest on the basis of its dissemination. How many millions of dollars had been paid since the creation of TOEFL, IELTS, TSE, TWE etc. Filipinos should by now look at English as cultural capital. Why not establish a modified form of those tests recognized by the English community around the world administered by Filipinos?

In the same way, Pangasinan, Ilocano, Kapampangan, Bisaya and others could also join the league only if the stakeholders recognize their own. When? Decades from now? Now is the time!

TPFL (Test of Pangasinan as a Foreign Language), anyone?

PI 100 Syllabus

I am posting the syllabus I made for PI 100, which is a course on Rizal, the national hero of the Philippines. I taught this course for one year at UP. Everyone is free to copy and use it provided the author is cited.

Philippine Institutions 100 (PI 100)
Departamento ng Filipino at Panitikan ng Pilipinas, Kolehiyo ng Arte at Literatura, Unibersidad ng Pilipinas sa Diliman
G. Erwin S. Fernandez
(BR 2079 Oras ng Konsultasyon LH 1-2; MB 1-2)

Mga layunin
□ masuri ang buhay at kaisipan ni Rizal batay sa konteksto ng kanyang panahon.
□ madalumat at maunawaan ang lipunang kinabibilangan at kinairalan ni Rizal.
□ maiugnay at mapahalagahan ang mga kaisipan ni Rizal sa mga hamon ng kasalukuyang panahon.

Mga pangunahing babasahin

Rizal, Jose. Noli Me Tangere (orihinal sa Espanyol, isinalin sa Ingles at Filipino)

_________ El Filibusterismo (orihinal sa Espanyol, isinalin sa Ingles at Filipino)

_________ One Hundred Letters of Jose Rizal. Manila: Lopez Memorial Museum, 1959.

_________Escritos de Jose Rizal. Tomo I-XIII. Jose Rizal National Centennial Commission, 1961. Mga katipunan ng mga akda ni Rizal na isinalin rin sa Ingles at Filipino.

Kalaw, Teodoro M. ed. Epistolario Rizalino. Tomo I (1877-87); II (1887-90); III (1890-92); IV (1892- 96); V unang parte (1886-1888) at ikalawang parte (1888-1896). Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1938.

Coates, Austin. Rizal – Filipino Nationalist & Patriot. Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1992. Isinalin ni Nilo S. Ocampo bilang Rizal – Makabayan at Martir. QC: UP Press, 1995.

Guerrero, Leon Ma. The First Filipino. Guerrero Publishing, 2003.

Ramos, Jesus Fer. et. al. Kalipunan ng mga Sinulat ni Dr. Jose P. Rizal (Tula, Sanaysay, Nobela, Liham). walang datos ng naglimbag pati petsa ng pagkakalimbag.

Mga karagdagang babasahin

Agoncillo, Teodoro A. & Milagros C. Guerrero. The History of the Filipino People. Quezon City: Malaya Books, 1970: Chapters 6, 7, 8, 9 &10.

Arcilla, Jose S. Rizal and the Emergence of the Philippine Nation. QC: Office of Research & Publications, Ateneo de Manila University, 1991.

Constantino, Renato. “Veneration without Understanding” in Dissent and Counter-consciousness. QC: Malaya Books, 1970.

Fast, Jonathan & Jim Richardson. Roots of Dependency: Political and Economic Revolution in 19th Century Philippines. Quezon City: Foundation for Nationalist Studies, 1979: Chapters II,
VII & VIII.

Foronda, Marcelino. The Canonization of Rizal. Manila, 1960.

Ileto, Reynaldo C. “Rizal and the Underside of Philippine History” in Filipinos and their Revolution: Event, Discourse and Historiography. QC: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1998.

Joaquin, Nick. “Anatomy of the Anti-Hero” & “Why was the Rizal Hero a Creole?” in A Question of Heroes. Anvil, 2005.

Melendrez-Cruz, Patricia & Apolonio Chua. Himalay: Kalipunan ng mga Pag-aaral kay Rizal. Manila: Sentrong Pangkultura ng Pilipinas, 1991.

Ocampo, Ambeth R. Rizal without the Overcoat. Anvil, 2000.

Ocampo, Nilo S. May Gawa na Kaming Natapus Dini: si Rizal at ang Wikang Tagalog. QC: Office of the Vice Chancellor for Research and Development, University of the Philippines, 2002.

Quibuyen, Floro C. A Nation Aborted: Rizal, American Hegemony and Philippine Nationalism. QC: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2000.

Sarkisyanz, Manuel. “Rizal’s Image: Archetypes, Influences, Analogies and Impacts” in Rizal and Republican Spain and other Rizalist Essays. Manila: National Historical Institute, 1995.

Schumacher, John N., S.J. The Propaganda Movement: 1880-1895. QC: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1997: Chapters 5 & 12.

Mga pangangailangan ng kurso

Pagdalo sa klase (10%)

Isang mahabang pagsusulit (30%)

Mga maiikling pagsusulit (30%)

Maikling panunuring-sanaysay (30%)

Tumbasan ng marka

1.0 96-100; 1.25 91-95; 1.5 86-90; 1.75 81-85; 2.0 76-80; 2.25 71-75; 2.5 66-70; 2.75 61-65; 3.0 56-60;4.0 51-55; 5.0 0-50


Mga tuntunin sa panunuring-sanaysay

Sumulat ng isang panunuring-sanaysay tungkol sa isang akdang hinggil kay Rizal, nakasulat sa Ingles o Filipino.
Maglalaman ito dapat ng 1500 na mga salita at naka-double space.

Balangkas ng kurso at schedule

I. Mga Lapit sa Pag-aaral kay Rizal

II. Jose Rizal: Buhay ng isang Bayani

A. Inihula sa mga bituin
1. Ang panahon bago ang kanyang pagsilang
2. Kapanganakan at Kabataan, 1861-1871
"Memorias de Un Estudiante de Manila" (1878-1881): Kabanata 1 at 2.
"Sa aking kabata" (ca 1869)
3. Buhay sa Paaralan at Pamantasan, 1872-1881
"Memorias": Kabanata 3, 4, 5 at 6
"San Eustaquio, Martir" (1876)
"A la Juventud Filipina" (1879)
"El Consejo de los Dioses" (1880)
4. Paglayag sa labas ng Kapuluan

B. Pagtahak sa kapalaran
1. Sa Madrid
"El Amor Patrio" (1882)
"Discurso-Brindis" (1884)
2. Pagpapakadalubhasa sa Paris at Heidelberg
3. Buhay sa Berlin
"Guillermo Tell" (Setyembre 1886)
"Limang Salita ni Hans Christian Andersen" (1886)
4. Noli Me Tangere
"Noli Me Tangere" (1887)
"A las flores de Heidelberg" (1887)

C. Mga pagsubok
1. Pag-uwi sa Calamba
2. Pagtanggap at pagtutol sa Noli
3. Matinding pagtutol ng mga prayle sa nobela
4. Pinayuhang umalis
5. Ang Hacienda ng Calamba

D. Pakikibaka at Pagsasakripisyo
1. Tungong Inglatera
2. Pag-aaral sa Museong Britano
3. Kilusang Propaganda
"Sa Kababayang Dalaga sa Malolos" (Pebrero 1889)
"La Vision de Fray Rodriguez" (1889)
"Por Telefono" (1889)
4. Noli ipinagbawal
5. Krisis sa pamilya
6. Sucesos ni Morga
"Filipinas Dentro de Cien Años" (Setyembre 1889-Pebrero 1890)
"Al Excmo. Sr.D. Vicente Barrantes" (Pebrero 1890)
7. Pagkakahati sa Madrid
"Sobre la Indolencia de los Filipinos" (Hulyo-Setyembre 1890)
8. El Filibusterismo

"El Filibusterismo" (1891)

E. Ang Tadhana
1. Pagpunta sa Hongkong
"Ang mga Karampatan ng Tao" (1891-92)
2. Paglikas ng pamilya
"Makamisa" (1892)
3. Pagkaunsyami ng balak sa Hilagang Borneo
4. Pag-uwi at pagpapatapon sa Mindanao
5. Ang mga Heswita sa Dapitan
6. Abalang gawain sa Talisay
"La Curacion de los Hechizados (Apuntes Hechos Para el Estudio de la Medicina Filipina)"
7. si Josephine Bracken
8. Ang pagsabog ng himagsikan
9. Ang paglilitis
"Manifesto a algunos Filipinos" (Disyembre 1896)
10. Ang huling mga araw
Mi Ultimo Adios, Disyembre 1896
11. Kamatayan at Muling Pagsilang

Panonood ng pelikulang Jose Rizal ni Marilou Diaz-Abaya

III. Kongklusyon – si Rizal sa harap ng mga Hamon ng Kasalukuyan

A. si Rizal at ang edukasyon
B. si Rizal at ang patuloy na hamon ng himagsikan
C. si Rizal at ang hamon ng pagkamakabayan
D. si Rizal at pananampalataya
E. Ang paglagpas at pag-igpaw kay Rizal

Top Ten Universities

Saraya et unaan ya sampluran unibersidad ed intiron talba. Say University of the Philippines et tapuac. Pano nid arom ya unibersidad ey? Makapakelaw ta si Roman ya presidente na UP et ag to insali ed sayan survey so UP. Nayarin antato ya onbeba lamet so ranggo na UP. Wais met ta anta ton sakey ya pakanengnengen komon ya no maong so administrasyon to no iparis ed si Nemenzo.

1. Harvard University
2. University of Cambridge
2. University of Oxford
2. Yale University
5. Imperial College London
6. Princeton University
7. California Institute of Technology
7. University of Chicago
9. University College London
10. Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Walay anemiran sukatan ya inusar na Times Higher Education Survey 2007: peer review score, recruiter review score, faculty student score, citations per faculty score, international faculty score, international students score. Diad otet ya talura, antoy ilaban na UP ey? Diad mikapat, siopay taga-UP ya angiletneg ya sakey ya teorya ya uusaren da ray propesor ed intiron mundo? Anggapon balot. Anggapo ni ingen soy akasalampat ya Nobel ed siyensiya, litiratura etc. Irayan eskuelaan et diad campus da ra, wala iray mannaakar ya singa ordinaryon totoo balet ed katuaan et Nobel prize winners.

Ipapanengneng to labat balet yan listaan ya saray maaliguas ya banbansa et prioridad day produksiyon ya kakabatan, say edukasyon. Ibabaga to met ya say edukasyon et akasentro nid saray bansan nangiyulo'y kolonyalismo. Saray asakop ya baley et aralem so epekto na kolonyalismo tan imperyalismo ta anggad natan et kontrolado ira na saray mayayaman ya baley. Satan so tatawagen dan imperyalismod kultura. No omamengen say listaan et natalosan tayo ya sarayan unibersidad et nanlapud Nansakey ya Es-Estado [Estados Unidos] tan Nansakey ya Nanarian [Reino Unido] saray ibabagaran oley na Anglo-Amerikano. Siopa'y angibagan asumpal lay imperyalismo?

Urduja

Bii kan mabiskeg, sika Urduja!
Nanoley ed Caboloan nen ugma;
Manlapud palandeyan na Cordillera anggad burakán na Bolinao;
Manlapud kaumaan na Zambales anggad katakelan na Abra

Sakbay nen Salcedo tan de Goiti ya Castila,
Panarianyo maaliguas tan mabuná;
Sankailian ya Hapon, Inchik mabetbet ombisita,
Onleksab saray Igolot manlakod kabisera

Intanduro da kay arom ya bánsa,
Inibaloi, Alinguey arom nen baley indayewdaka;
Diad awáran na Pangasinan nen saman tan natan,
Ed otel na kanonotan na lúyag agdaka alinguanan

Balet bangon ka, Urduja! Bangon ka!
Bangon kad lobók na linawa;
Say polim panpurakdad sika asinggerla,
Ta say inarom ya salita pateyto nabuasla!

Sayan anlong et analo ya Honorable Mention ed Unan Paliagan na Anlong ed Pangasinan nen Agosto 2006 na inisponsor na Komisyon na Dilan Filipino. Unan naipalapag ed Nolasco, Ricardo Ma., Jose Laderas Santos & Santiago Villafania, eds. Ani ng Wika 2006. Maynila: Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino, 2007: 213.

Pic at Day Two of the Conference

1st Conference on Revitalizing the Pangasinan Language and Cultural Heritage

PROGRAM DAY 1 NOVEMBER 8, 2007

7:00 – 8:00 REGISTRATION

8:00 – 9:40 OPENING CEREMONIES

NATIONAL ANTHEM Urdaneta City University Chorale and Ensemble

DOXOLOGY Urdaneta City University Chorale and Ensemble

WELCOME ADDRESS Hon. Amadeo R. Perez, Jr.Mayor, Urdaneta City

INSPIRATIONAL MESSAGE Dr./Col. Antonio Laperal Tamayo
Commissioner, KWF Wikang Pangasinan

SPECIAL NUMBER Urdaneta City University Dance Troupe

INTRODUCTION OF THE KEYNOTE SPEAKER Mr. Mel V. Jovellanos
President, DJGT Foundation

KEYNOTE ADDRESS Hon. Marlyn Primicias Agabas Vice Governor, Pangasinan

CONFERENCE ORIENTATION Dr. Ricardo Ma. Duran NolascoChairman, KWF

9:40 – 10:00 COFFEE BREAK

10:00 – 11:00 PLENARY LECTURE 1:

An Ethnocultural Mapping of Pangasinan
Ma. Crisanta Nelmida-Flores, Ph.D.
Director, Office of Extension Coordination
Office ofthe Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs
University of the Philippines Diliman
Assoc. Professor of Philippine Studies

11:00 – 12:00 PLENARY LECTURE 2:

Pangasinan Literary HistoryMaria Magno-Icagasi, Ph.D.
Retired Professor, Art Studies,
University of the Philippines Diliman

12:00 – 1:00 LUNCH BREAK1:00 – 3:20

PARALLEL SESSIONS

Session 1 Heritage and History

Godofredo Tiong Ph.D. "A Brief History of Pangasinan Leaders"
Elnora Dudang "Pangasinan Lenten Cultural Practices: A Dying Ritual?"
Fe L. Alcantara-Andico "The Fishing Tradition of a Coastal Communityin Pangasinan: Seascape, Legends and Indigenous Knowledge"
Edgar Guevara "Lifestyle Changing Back to Culture"

Session 2 Literary and Folkloric Legacy

Ruby Keith S. Sison et al. "Bangon La Zarzuela: Revitalizing theArte Cancion in Pangasinan"
Reagan R. Maiquez "Ang Panimulang Paghahanap sa Anacbanua sa PagbasangPanitikang Bayan ng Pangasinan"
Rosalina A. Mendigo, Ph.D. "Mga Zarzuelang Pangasinan sa Pagdaan ngPanahon"
Santiago B. Villafania "The Pangasinan Anlong: Oral Traditions into the 21st Century"

3:20 – 3:40 COFFEE BREAK

3:40 – 5:00 SOLIDARITY, AWARDING AND CULTURAL PROGRAM

INSPIRATIONAL MESSAGE
Cirilo F. Bautista, Ph. D.
Poet, Literary Critic and Educator

BOOK LAUNCHING

GAWAD KOMISYON 2007 (WIKANG PANGASINAN)
Paggawad ng Gantimpalang Tamayo sa Tula at Maikling Kuwento

DAY 2 NOVEMBER 9, 2007

7:00 – 8:00 REGISTRATION

8:00- 8:20 CULTURAL PRESENTATION

8:20 – 10:20 PARALLEL SESSIONS

Session 3 Language

Russel Lomboy "Is Pangasinan a Threatened Language?"
Mel. V. Jovellanos "Similarities between Bahasa Indonesia and thePangasinan Language"
Rowena Caacbay "Preservation of Bolinao Language and CulturalHeritage"
Catalina L. Felicitas "The Evolution and Development of the Ulupanna Pansiansiay Salitan Pangasinan"

Session 4
Education and Indigenous Knowledge Systems

Anita C. Dematera "Inobasyon at Interbensyon sa Pagsulong ngKurikulum ng Paaralang Pangkomunidad"
Erwin S. Fernandez "Reclaiming Identity, Mapping the Future:Pangasinan Studies in Theory and Praxis"
Adrian Laurence P. Carbajal "Integration of the Course on Culturaland Literary Heritage of Pangasinan in the Collegiate Program ofHigher Institution in the Province of Pangasinan: Basis of EffectiveSyllabus Model"
Oscar P. Ferrer, Ph.D. "Globalisasyon, Lokal na Pamahalaan atKultura (Local Governance and Community Culture in a GlobalizingWorld)"

10:20 – 10:40 COFFEE BREAK

10:40 – 11:40 PLENARY LECTURE 3:

Pangasinan's Pre-Colonial Links with OverseasKingdoms and Cultures
Arnold Molina Azurin
Historian, Center for Interdisciplinary DevelopmentStudies University of the Philippines Diliman

11:40 – 12:00 LUNCH BREAK

1:00 – 2:30 AGENDA SETTING AND COMMITMENT(Policy and Action Research and other Activities)

2:31 – 3:30 CLOSING PROGRAM

CALL FOR COMMITMENT
Dr. Ricardo Ma. Duran NolascoChairman, KWF

EVALUATION

CLOSING REMARKS
Hon. Charizzma " Chu" Carancho
Chairwoman, Committee on Arts, Culture and Tourism
Provincial Board, Pangasinan

Where are the Linguists?

As I have written in my working paper, there are those who argue that Filipino is a separate language from Tagalog, i.e. Ernesto Constantino. I conclude that based on their assertions and my observations, Filipino and Tagalog are two different languages but still needs the verification from the linguists. I am forced to think that Nolasco was reacting to my essay when he delivered a lecture on the closing ceremony of the KWF program asserting thatTagalog and Filipino are one and the same language because of their mutual intelligibility. I should have cited this in my paper. Yes, I will in my third draft.

Mel may want to read Nolasco's conference address translated into English in Sonny Villafania's website.

Here are the pertinent excerpts:

"Are 'Tagalog,' 'Pilipino' and 'Filipino' different languages? No,they are mutually intelligible varieties, and therefore belong to one language. According to the KWF, Filipino is that speech variety spoken in Metro Manila and other urban centers where different ethnic groups meet. It is the most prestigious variety of Tagalog and the language used by the national mass media.

The other yardstick for distinguishing a language from a dialect is: different grammar, different language. 'Filipino', 'Pilipino' and 'Tagalog' share identical grammar. They have the same determiners (ang, ng and sa); the same personal pronouns (siya, ako,niya, kanila, etc); the same demonstrative pronouns (ito, iyan,doon, etc); the same linkers (na, at and ay); the same particles (na and pa); and the same verbal affixes -in, -an, i- and -um-. In short, same grammar, same language."

So Nolasco had spoken that Filipino is a "speech variety spoken inMetro Manila and other urban centers..." In short, Filipino as we have contended here is a dialect of Tagalog. Is Nolaco saying that our "national language" is mere "national dialect" of Tagalog? A fish is caught through its mouth, right? As I have posted here I will include a section in my paper dealing with this. A discussion on Nolasco's categorical statements will become a part of this section.

In the following section of my paper, I argued that Tagalog should stop being masqueraded as Filipino by returning to its former name in honor of its people. To stem the objections that may possibly arise from it, two other languages should be declared national languages along with Tagalog, that of Cebuano and Ilokano. I did not stop there recognizing the implicit difficulties that may arise from declaring these languages as national languages. In the last section, I advocated the recognition of the "other" languages as official languages in their respective localities. I compared Philippine and Indian language policies and found that India's language policy is superior respecting of its multilingual andmulticultural society, a model that we can emulate.

It would be better if a study done by a linguist should be able to answer Mel's question not just from the mouth of Nolasco although the latter himself is credible because he has a doctorate in linguistics. I am thinking of research titles like this: "Are Tagalog and Filipino Two Different Languages? Answers from a Linguistic Analysis" and "Is Filipino a dialect of Tagalog? Implications to the Language Policy." Perhaps a Master's thesis in linguistics would suffice or an MA seminar paper can also be a rewarding exercise. Both theses particularly the latter would surely provoke intrigue and debate and that someone would become an instant celebrity in Philippine linguistics. Who will give a try? Don't forget to contact me so that I could cite the theses in my paper, hopefully already published by that time but may revise it in lieu of the researches.

[Posted in DILA as message 18444 Nov. 3, 2007]

Conference on Revitalizing the Pangasinan Language and Cultural Heritage

Approved submitted abstracts (as of October 27, 2007)

Plenary Speakers

Ma. Crisanta Nelmida Flores, Ph.D. "An Ethnocultural Mapping of Pangasinan"
Arnold Molina Azurin "Pangasinan's Pre-Colonial Links with Overseas Kingdoms and Cultures"
Maria Magno-Icagasi, Ph.D. "Pangasinan Literary History"

A. Heritage and History

Godofredo Tiong Ph.D. "A Brief History of Pangasinan Leaders"
Elnora Dudang "Pangasinan Lenten Cultural Practices: A Dying Ritual?"
Fe L. Alcantara-Andico "The Fishing Tradition of a Coastal Community in Pangasinan: Seascape, Legends and Indigenous Knowledge"
Edgard Guevara "Lifestyle Changing Back to Culture"

B. Literary & Folkloric Legacy

Ruby Keith S. Sison et al. "Bangon La Zarzuela: Revitalizing the Arte Cancion in Pangasinan" Reagan R. Maiquez "Ang Panimulang Paghahanap sa Anacbanua sa Pagbasa ngPanitikang Bayan ng Pangasinan"
Rosalina A. Mendigo, Ph.D. "Mga Zarzuelang Pangasinan sa Pagdaan ng Panahon"
Santiago B. Villafania "The Pangasinan Anlong: Oral Traditions into the 21st Century"

C. Language

Russel Lomboy "Is Pangasinan a Threatened Language?"
Catalina L. Felicitas "The Evolution and Development of the Ulupan na Pansiansiay Salitan Pangasinan"
Rowena Caacbay "Preservation of Bolinao Language and Cultural Heritage"
Mel. V. Jovellanos "Similarities between Bahasa Indonesia and the Pangasinan Language"

D. Education and Indigenous Knowledge

Anita C. Dematera "Inobasyon at Interbensyon sa Pagsulong ng Kurikulum ng Paaralang Pangkomunidad"
Erwin S. Fernandez "Reclaiming Identity, Mapping the Future: Pangasinan Studies in Theory and Praxis"
Adrian Laurence P. Carbajal "Integration of the Course on Cultural and Literary Heritage of Pangasinan in the Collegiate Program of Higher Institution in the Province of Pangasinan: Basis of Effective Syllabus Model"
Oscar P. Ferrer, Ph.D. "Globalisasyon, Lokal na Pamahalaan at Kultura (Local Governance and Community Culture in a Globalizing World)"

[Source: www.dalityapi.com]

NK Nuke Crisis

Erwin S. Fernandez

Having stayed only for three weeks in Gwangju City, news about the nuke crisis is somewhat making me a little nervous. Back home, in the Philippines, though I haven’t received any call from my parents or emails from my friends, I am pretty sure they, having heard or read about it, might be feeling a bit alarmed. Nonetheless, I still believe there is nothing to worry about.

I don’t only have sympathy but also respect for North Korean people. Sympathy and respect because they have suffered a lot from the brutal depredations of two previous wars with the memories and scars still fresh but managed to withstand the massive pressures from the outside and the calamities that resulted in miseries ranging from hunger to famine. Yet, until when can they maintain the same composure in the face of serious challenges at present?

North Korea in Western press is always painted in bad light. Whether Kim Jong-Il, popularly portrayed as “communist dictator,” was the apparent culprit for the suffering of millions of North Koreans is not for me or anyone, any government or any nation to judge. I reserve this sacred right to the North Korean people who had capably demonstrated their capacity for self-determination in the midst of foreign intervention during the past half-century. This brings us to the raging issue of the moment.

Last week, North Korea publicly claimed having conducted its first nuclear test provoking a storm of protests, denunciations from all corners of the globe wary of an impending war. Others look for whom to blame. Kim Dae Jung, former South Korean president, in a special lecture at Chonnam National University, host of the Asia Culture Academy Youth Workshop, singled out the United States “hostile” foreign policy towards North Korea as having precipitated the crisis. Some called for punitive actions against North Korea. The United Nations Security Council particularly the U.S. and Japan demanded severe economic sanctions. Conservatives issued a declaration supporting the latter’s move and even challenged the Roh government to resign from office and take the alleged responsibility for the current critical situation. The crisis, however, demanded a closer examination than what is being presented.

North Korea, equally valid for other states, has every right to develop its own nuclear program as a defensive mechanism as long as any nation on earth continues to have its own nuclear capability undisturbed and unmitigated. The nuclear non-proliferation treaty has been in existence for many years now but the nuclear arms race is not yet over. Far from it, it paved the way for the rise of new nuclear powers such as China, India and Pakistan. These countries, beneficiaries of a leaked technology either from Russia or the U.S., supposedly built their nuclear arsenals as powerful deterrent to any military threat by a foreign power. The same holds true for North Korea if one believes Ri Jong-hyok, member of North Korea’s Supreme People’s Assembly in his address before European parliamentarians in Brussels. Right to defend itself from external aggression is a crucial factor for national survival not only for North Korea but to all besieged governments around the world.

For the past sixty years, the U.S., according to Ri, carried out “severe sanctions and threats” to his country. The latest, as of last year, four days after the denuclearization agreement in Beijing was signed on September 19, the United States Treasury Department cut off North Korea’s financial access to international money-lending and credit institutions affecting even legitimate business transactions. Few years prior to this, the United States invaded Iraq on the pretext of harboring weapons of mass destruction (WMD); arrested Saddam Hussein and effected “regime change.” It was therefore a tactical move on the part of the Kim regime to pursue its nuclear program to stave off U.S. invasion as the war freak Bush administration although having denied such intention was half-secretly known to be mulling over this not-so-remote possibility.

Seoul’s engagement policy toward Pyongyang became a convenient scapegoat to clamor for a change in policy especially the move toward strengthening military alliance with the United States. Rather than defusing the tense situation between the two countries, bringing more troops to Korea might send a wrong signal to the other side putting in jeopardy the hard-earned diplomatic gains and the peace and stability of Northeast Asia. Also, the hurry to “punish” Pyongyang rather than the solution is contributory to the already volatile environment.

The North-South divide in the peninsula, a curious relic from the Cold War, is still a contested object in international power relations. Thus, the struggle for a united Korea is a continuing project to get out from the imperialist game.

[Reedited with the original unedited draft, which was severely mutilated and first published as "Filipino View on NK Nuke Crisis" under the "Student Corner" The Korea Times 7 December 2006 with the full text shown below:

Since I’ve been in Kwangju for only three weeks, the news about the nuke crisis is making me a little nervous. North Korea is always portrayed in the Western press in a bad light.

Whether Kim Jongil, commonly portrayed as a communist dictator, is responsible for the suffering of millions of North Koreans is not for me to judge, or for anyone else, any government or any nation, to judge either.

North Korea publicly declared that it had conducted its first nuclear test in October, provoking a storm of protests and denunciations from all corners of the globe.

Everyone seems to be looking for someone to blame. Kim Dae-jung, a former South Korean president, in a special lecture at Chonnam National University, the host of the Asia Culture Academy Youth Workshop, singled out the United States’ “hostile” foreign policy as having precipitated the crisis.

Some people called for punitive actions against North Korea. The United Nations Security Council and Japan put in place economic sanctions.

Conservatives in Korea issued a declaration supporting the latter’s move and even challenged members of the Roh Moo-hyun government to resign from office to take responsibility for the current critical situation.

The crisis, however, demands closer examination. North Korea has every right to develop a nuclear program for its defense as long as other nations continue to have their nuclear capabilities undisturbed and unmitigated.

The Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has been in existence for many years now, but the nuclear arms race is not over.

The treaty paved the way for the rise of new nuclear powers such as China, India and Pakistan. These countries, beneficiaries of leaked technology from Russia or the U.S., supposedly built their nuclear arsenals to deter military attacks.

The same holds true for North Korea, if one believes Ri Jong-hyok, a member of North Korea’s Supreme People’s Assembly, in his address to European parliamentarians in Brussels.

The right to defend itself from external aggression is important for national survival not only for North Korea, but also for other besieged governments.

For the past 60 years, the U.S., according to Ri, directed “severe sanctions and threats” toward his country.

Four days after the denuclearization agreement in Beijing was signed on Sept. 19, 2005, the United States Treasury Department cut off North Korea’s financial access to international money-lending and credit institutions, affecting even legitimate business transactions.

Few years before this, the U.S. invaded Iraq under the pretext that Iraq was harboring weapons of mass destruction.

It arrested Saddam Hussein and effected “regime change.”

It was a tactical move on the part of the Kim regime to pursue a nuclear program to stave off an invasion from the U.S.

Although the warmongering George W. Bush administration has denied having such an intention, it was known to be mulling this not-so-remote possibility.

Seoul’s engagement policy toward Pyongyang became a convenient scapegoat amid the clamor for policy change and moves to strengthen the military alliance with the U.S.

The rush to punish Pyongyang rather than to find a solution is contributing to the already volatile environment. The struggle for a united Korea is a continuing project to escape from the imperialist game.]

Imagining Ourselves as Asians

By Erwin S. Fernandez

Global Student Reporter

***

PANGASINAN, the Philippines ㅡ Nowadays, words like "imagine'' and "imagination'' have become so trite that they have become commonplace in discursive practices. Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities is a dissertation on the origins and spread of nationalism whose provocative ideas can also apply to the three following concepts ㅡ pan-Asianism, Asian identity and Asian community.

Pan-Asianism seems to be resurging everywhere, particularly after Asian nations, having been freed from their colonial masters, embarked on the twin-processes of decolonization and modernization. Japanese imperialist propaganda on "Asia for the Asians'' in support of the "Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere'' provided at least the seed for pan-Asian solidarity to germinate over the upcoming decades. Japan's defeat of the United States in the Philippines conflict during World War II shattered the myth of Western superiority and invulnerability and thus, became a source of pride and belief in Asia's reawakening from its colonial past.

Japan's rise to power in the global capitalist economy followed by Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan in recent decades was enough reason for Samuel Huntington to posit his claim on the "decline of the West.'' China's latest entry to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001 confirmed former Philippine senator and diplomat Leticia Ramos-Shahani's declaration of the "Pacific century.''

The recent election of Ban Ki-moon as the U.N. secretary general, the second Asian to hold the post after U Thant of Burma, is another long overdue affirmation of Asia's growing ascendancy on the world stage.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) composed of eleven countries and established in late 1960s is at present a major regional grouping concerned with economic cooperation. The Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), although it includes member nations that cross four continents, affirms the growing importance of Asia and the Pacific Rim in global free trade. We can also add the East Asian Growth Area (EAGA) conceptualized in the late 90s, which promotes and encourages free trade in the region.

When did Filipinos acquire their Asian identity?

Although geographically the Philippines is located in Southeast Asia, a U.S. military designated area during the war, after its independence in 1946 it suffered from a schizophrenic character. Colonized by Spain for 300 years and controlled by the U.S. for more or less 50 years, undoubtedly Filipino leaders and policymakers extolled values from the West on the one hand but were also proud of their Asian heritage on the other.

During the late 40s, the Philippines, however, instead of gaining respect from fellow neighbors, suspicious of its Asian identity was derided as merely an American satellite. Claro M. Recto, a brilliant Filipino nationalist and foremost critic of Philippine foreign policy, kicked off the struggle toward decolonization, which called for the reorientation of foreign policy toward Asia.

The successive administrations after Magsaysay slowly adopted Recto's prescription for an independent foreign policy, which during the 20-year rule of President Ferdinand Marcos, culminated in the opening of diplomatic networks with different countries of the world, even with Communist or socialist political systems, finally claiming its Asian identity.

Globalization makes the world smaller. As communication and travel become easier and faster than before, the contact among Asians becomes frequent and this facilitates cultural understanding and interaction. However, as Asians meet other Asians, their identity as Filipinos, Koreans, Japanese, Chinese or Indians is emphasized even more, as each asserts to show their respective cultural differences. Being Asian is imagining differences.

[First published in The Korea Times 27 September 2007]

Pangasinan – a dying language?

By Erwin S. Fernandez

I beg to disagree with F. Sionil Jose, the National Artist for Literature who hails from Rosales, a town away from my birthplace, Urdaneta. Pangasinan, he foretells, like the rest of Philippine languages except Tagalog, Iloko and Cebuano, shall die in the near future because it is now on the verge of disuse and eventually extinction. He raises a valid point, however, that Pangasinan speakers must now address.

Unlike the three cited languages, Pangasinan don’t have Liwayway, Bisaya and Bannawag, popular vernacular magazines where one ordinarily finds short stories, essays, poems and other occasional pieces. Thus, there is no proper venue for would-be writers and authors. Or if there had been one, will there be a critical audience or more importantly, will there be writers for readers?

At present, less than one and a half million people speak the language. So who says there is no market for writers? What is lacking is a grouping like the GUMIL (Gunglo dagiti Mannurat nga Ilocano) that will unite writers who, I’m confident, are more than willing to cooperate for the sake of preserving the language. I am pretty sure they are still around in the villages or in towns or cities with dormant energies waiting to be reawakened.

The names of Catalino Palisoc (1865-1932) and Pablo Mejia (1872-1934), only two among the renowned Zarzuela writers, come to mind when we speak of Pangasinan literature. We must not miss Maria Magsano, the educator-writer and suffragist who put up the Silew magazine. In the annals of Philippine vernacular literature, these illustrious names rank among the best in Tagalog, Iloco and Cebuano literatures.

Their generation had to struggle to survive with the imposition of a dominant colonial language – English – but they succeeded for tradition did not easily succumb to the new alien culture. The next generation after them, however, educated in the state university and universities in Manila felt secure with the language of the colonial master. No one can blame them because English became the language in the academe, in the bureaucracy and in print and broadcast media. Not surprisingly, this led to the neglect to a certain extent of our local language.

Quezon, in the 1930s, thought of a national language as basis for national unity. Tagalog was imposed in schools. All over the country, non-Tagalogs had to learn the national language, which during the time of Cory Aquino, it was decided to change its name to Pilipino and at last to Filipino.

Our language, prior to this, had to compete with Iloco. Ilocano migrants settled in the province and ever since, the popularity and usage of the Iloco had far outweighed Pangasinan. Yet, it is not unusual to find people who are bilingual. In my case, we speak Pangasinan at home but we can switch to speak in Iloco if it is warranted by the occasion. In the advent of the Filipino as the national language, Pangasinan has been delegated primarily to the home; hence, marginalized as education and mass media are encouraged to employ Filipino and English.

Thanks to Sionil Jose. He had unwittingly issued the warning. Unless the present generation acts concertedly to preserve it, Pangasinan shall always be in an unhappy position pushed into the periphery of oral and literary avenues.

For the meantime, I shall patiently wait for the inclusion of Pangasinan in the roster of vernacular genre in the Palanca awards.

[First published in Sunday Punch under "Kabaleyan's Thoughts" May 29, 2006]

Diad Dayat na Salitan Pangasinan

Say identidad na too et nanengneng ed karalem na bokabularyo ed sarili ton dila.

Say dilak ya Pangasinan anggano sasalitaen ko ed abung ed apalabas lan duaran dekada et alig toy sakey ya mana-aral ya onlangoy. Siak may toon wadman nid baybay ya dayat. Agkoni sarag so onlangoy paarawid baybay ta nayarin naanor ak. Sikaton sayan panlangoy kod dayat na salitan Pangasinan, kaibak saray maestrok ya abayag lan onlalangoy ed sayan dayat. Sikara Padre Lorenzo Fernandez Cosgaya, Padre Pedro Vilanova tan si Richard A. Benton.

Diad sayan metapora, malinew ya aga magano so pirawat kon onralem so pagkaPangasinanensek. Kaokolan ya makalnan aralen saray salita; nepeg ya talosan so pakatalos da. Sikaton soy gawaen ko et pilien ko tan aralen koy sampluran salitan Pangasinan tan saray pakatalos da kada agew odino simba inggad makapalsay sakey ya diksiyonaryo.

Sampluran salitan Pangasinan (1)

a - (1) Sakey ya artikulon uusaren pian makaiter ya emosyon ed ibabaga singa: A sikayo manaya so angan ditan! Nayarin manpatalos ya negatibo o positibon linawa. (2) Mansuldong ya artikulon onlaktip ed sakey ya salita pian mamalsa ya panklasi. Al., A+ bayag; A+rawi; A+beba. (3) Lanang met ya uusaren ed sagpot na salita no gabay ya onpalet ed ibabaga na katongtong singa Magangana kayo a!

aba - Tanaman (colocasia) ya karaklan ya naanapan ed bansan tropikal ya kalaman na saray pamilyan arum. Iluluto saray lamotda balet diad Bikol saray bolong da et iluluto da ed tatawagen dan laing.

aba-aba - Tanaman ya aliling toy aba.

abaab - Kaor ya nanlapud niyog ya uusaren daray bibii ed panames da.

ababaley - Amayo na ugugaw.

ababues - (1) Tanol na latigo. (2) Maples ya onalis. Al., Ababues ya nanakar si Goria.

abak - (1) Atalo ed sugal, al. Nabak ak ed mahjong. (2) Aksayado, al. Maabak ka ed asukar. (3) Pian oniwas ed panaggastos, al. Siak la so ondalus pian aga ak maabak ed trabahador.

abaka - Tanaman (Musa textilis), alig tan kalaman toy ponti, ya saray katingting et uusaren ya pan gaway lubir.

abakabak - (man-) say panaon ya kaukulan na saray duaran pamilya na manasawa ya aregloen dalay nepeg ed kasal.

abagay - pan-admira ed sakey ya makaiter ya ligliwa.



"Say salita et kawes na kanonotan." Samuel Johnson (1709-1784) Saray Bilay na Umaanlong


Reserbadoy karapatan nen Erwin S. Fernandez

Imelda in Mike, Marcos in Arroyo

This administration hangs precariously on a precipice as the First Gentleman is involved in another scandal yet to be uncovered. His name is obviously another stain that besmirches the besmirched reputation of Mrs. Arroyo. If former Senator Salonga sees Marcos in Arroyo, I see Imelda in Mike.

The parallelism between the latter is not as apparent as the former. Imelda, to others, is seen as the cause of Apo Ferdie’s eventual downfall. Former US Ambassador Henry Byroade remembers how Imelda used to ask for her cuts in deals. Thus, Rafael Salas, one of Marcos’ brilliant technocrats resigned from his post: “It’s very bad. The corruption is unmitigated, it has continued, if not increased in volume, despite the worsening situation.” About Imelda running for 1969, he said: she “will probably ruin the country.”

Now with Mike Arroyo, he is rumored to have deposited a $500 million account in a German bank. In 2004, he allegedly has to do with the diversion of farmers’ fertilizer fund worth P 728 million through Joc-Joc Bolante to spruce up his wife’s campaign funds. He was linked to funding a post-election “special operations” in Lanao. In 2003, Senator Panfilo Lacson identified him as Jose Pidal involved in money-laundering activities. As early as 2001, he was accused of accepting a million dollar-bribe to save a vetoed telecommunications deal. In one of these charges, he filed 11 libel cases against 46 journalists, which he later withdrew.

With all these controversies that he faced, he is known to have one response – to go abroad and hide from media flaks. This time with the ZTE national broadband deal raging in the Senate, he, without delay, took a flight to Hong Kong.

It is not yet clear from Joey de Venecia’s testimony before the Senate hearing of what constituted Mike’s participation in the deal. Did he endorse ZTE’s bid? Was his endorsement necessary for the approval of the contract or was there more to it than meets the eye? Did he receive part of the pay-off? One thing is somewhat sure that Abalos sought a kickback from the contract. What is anomalous is that ZTE, as alleged by Lacson, is banned in many countries because of acts of bribery. Still, we are dealing with these people in a so-called executive agreement, which is still debatable, with Beijing. Corrupt people appeal to corrupt government.

Three years from now, Arroyo’s unprecedented nine-year term ends, which is less than half of Marcos’ authoritarian rule. During these remaining years, we Filipinos must be vigilant. Every contract, every deal, every loan agreement should be watched closely. They are racing against time and so they will use every opportunity to milk the government. There is every reason to believe that this Arroyo government is corrupt because crony capitalism is back with vengeance. If we fail to do so, then we will confront another nightmare as horrendous as the Marcoses.

[First published in People's Digest Newsweekly (Dagupan City) (September 25-October 1, 2007)]

Erap

As of this writing, the decision of the court for Estrada on plunder case is guilty. He was sentenced to lifetime imprisonment. But the verdict is no way the final curtain that closes the drama that lasted for six years. Our seventy-year old former president can still appeal to the Supreme Court for finality of his case whether he would stay in jail in Muntinlupa or be released and enjoy the freedom outside the confines of prison.

There is something to feel glad about it. There is something to feel hope in our judicial system. Once in a while we Filipinos need good news. This is one of them but it should never end here. This should only be the beginning to serve as a strong warning and deterrent for those who abuse their office and authority. If Erap is seen as a sacrificial goat, of course not blameless as he was, let him be for the sake of justice in the Philippines. Let us then wait to hear good news about cases of graft and corruption against the Marcoses, Hernani Perez, Gen. Carlos Garcia and “Jose Pidal.”

All this talk that the judgment is “politically motivated” as the accused himself said and “unfair” is pure nonsense. They have not read the whole text of the ruling. Although these justices are presidential appointees, beholden to a certain extent to the president, they have their own mind and independence on the matter long perfected in their exemplary legal careers.

Some are carried away by emotions. It is not appeal to reason but appeal to pity that they wanted their idol to be exonerated from the charges. Others call for pardon in lieu of his years of stay in Tanay. Regarding pardon or JDV’s dumb call for amnesty, the mention of these is too early and premature. Let the wheel of justice turn its due course. It is not reconciliation that they want. It is the postponement, the delay of national catharsis for renewal as it happened during the Aquino and Ramos administrations.

Wisdom can be found in the depiction of the eyes of Themis, the goddess of justice, being blindfolded. Big or small man, whatever is your station in life, the scales of justice will not favor you because of wealth, power and fame but on the basis only of truth. For those who clamored for pardon or even acquittal, think of a security guard on duty caught of sleeping on his post. Immediately, he was fired. Or consider a man caught of shoplifting a can of sardines for his starving child. Right away, he was put in prison.

In fairness to Erap, he believed in our judiciary and took his so-called gamble. He submitted to the jurisdiction of the Sandiganbayan and rejected offers by the administration for him to go abroad. Something that is admirable. If he had fled to the US or elsewhere, then the people might think that he was culpable of those crimes imputed on him. He did what a leader of his people should have done. That is to face the bar of justice as well as of history. Such statesmanlike deed is found in the real life story of Asiong Salonga.

On a personal note, when as college students we interviewed him regarding our thesis on EDSA II, he accommodated us graciously in his detention cell at the Veteran’s Memorial Medical Center. The Sandiganbayan did not grant our request but managed the interview nonetheless. But the greatest Erap joke that happened to me was to receive on that same day, pirated, yes pirated copy of his cd “Ama ng Masa” with his dedication.

[First published in People's Digest Newsweekly (Dagupan City) (September 11-17, 2007)]

Garci and Doble

Garcillano might be contemplating again on another escape. So, immigration officers particularly in Mindanao, be on alert! The Senate might one of these days issue a subpoena for him to appear before the hearing.

But Garci is as hardheaded and arrogant as Bedol. Will he appear? It depends. If his higher ups tell him not to, in accordance with Executive Order No. 464, he will never. Although he is not per se under the Executive Branch, he is. He is under that person whom he catapulted to power and who is beholden to him.

Others would readily dismiss this reinvestigation of the Hello Garci tape scandal as another opposition gimmickry. If it’s another of Lacson’s hype for the coming presidential election as Enrile had surmised, is another matter. We cannot again condone past mistakes by forgetting it because Filipinos are known to have short memories. This shameful electoral practice involving the presidency should not only be uncovered; culprits should be punished.

Those who oppose this move are blinded by their own selfish interests. The reason why they are in office, we are not talking only of cabinet members but all members of the government bureaucracy, is because of the continued rule of a cheat. In other words, their authority rests on the illegitimacy of the current occupant of Malacañang.

Being sorry for what she did is forgivable but it must be accompanied by remorse and repentance. Arroyo could have allowed the truth to surface in the first instance but she did not. Heads could have rolled and one of them should be Garci’s. Then, this fiasco was followed by the Bedol-Maguindanao controversy. Where’s contrition here? By trying to stifle again this Senate inquiry through administration senators, there is really something that the public must know, which should not be encumbered by mere legal technicalities as Joker Arroyo et al are trying to do.

Joker’s position is not surprising. For someone who had benefited from the administration’s machinery during the last election, he is indebted to GMA. One wonders what happened to that Joker who uttered indignantly: “…we cannot have a country run by a thief.” So, does he now permit a country run by a cheat?

The probe should not be limited to the cheating. It must also include a detailed exploration on the alleged wiretapping activities of the ISAFP. Vidal Doble should be closely grilled as to the extent of this. Why did this happen? Who were behind this incident?

There must be a link somewhere between the Garci tape scandal and the Aragoncillo espionage. It’s in the Senate’s hands to find out. [Email me at dissentpdn@gmail.com]

[First published in People's Digest Newsweekly (Dagupan City) (September 4-10, 2007)]

Jueteng is back!

Yes, you read me right, jueteng is back in Pangasinan.

This illegal numbers game with supposedly Chinese provenance is doing a great comeback. In Urdaneta City, in my own barangay, it is an open secret that it is everywhere. Kubradors, one or two of them are my uncles, are going from house to house, from one street to the next to collect bets from a network of relatives and friends.

Don’t get me wrong. I am not against it. But if the government says it has stamped out jueteng not only from the province but in other localities as well, then how come it is back as if nothing happened.

Records of these jueteng operators and their cohorts are with the police. It would be easy for them to do surveillance and check these people one by one if they are back in the business. One only needs to ask a common tao, then loads of information can be gathered. The only conclusion that can be said is that jueteng is back because someone gave the go signal. Somebody allowed it. If you ask me who he is, I don’t know but ask the police, surely they know.

A prize-winning film, Kubrador, had recently depicted the culture at work in jueteng. It is a game of cat and mouse between operators and kubradors, and the police. Actress Gina Pareño who portrayed the central role of an aged mother as the bet collector did a wonderful job. When I first saw this indie movie at UP, I was positive it could win awards and unsurprisingly it did from abroad. It made me more sympathetic to the plight of these bet collectors, victims of unemployment and poverty in the country.

If it is a national policy to eliminate jueteng, then it should never be selective. It must be done without prejudice or favor to certain personalities or groups. The government must also provide livelihood to these ordinary people whose daily sustenance depends on jueteng.

Actually, jueteng provides jobs to people. Usually bet collectors are in their mid-forties to sixties who are unemployed. If one of their bettors wins, they will get percentage from the winning or what we call balato. An operator can employ more than ten kubradors and I am speaking of more than one operator in Urdaneta and in the whole of Pangasinan. The police, I am very certain, know this.

No doubt jueteng is a big business, which brings us to an alternative. If it is a big business, then it is practical and pragmatic for local government units to require them to pay taxes by demanding them to register as legal operators of a gambling enterprise. PAGCOR and LGUs should sort out the ways they can cooperate in this matter. In other words, let us legalize jueteng. The Church will definitely protest but my uncles and I don’t care. [email me at dissentpdn@gmail.com]

[First published in People's Digest Newsweekly (Dagupan City) (August 28-September 3, 2007)]

Marcoses

There are enough good reasons to be anti-Marcos.

The dictator looted the nation, kept the people’s money in Swiss banks while millions of Filipinos were wallowing in unbearable poverty and at the same time the family enjoyed the luxury of living. Marcos and his military and constabulary henchmen committed human rights violations that were acknowledged in a recent US court decision. After all these things, the Marcoses are still in power able to get away from the clutches of the law after more or less twenty years of prosecution and litigation.

There are also enough good reasons to feel disgust against the government. Not a single Marcos had been indicted and jailed in Bilibid along with fellow criminals. Either state attorneys are plain and simple stupid or the defendants are clever in paying off judges to let them scot-free are the reasons for the slow turn of the wheel of justice (or can we speak of “justice” in the Philippines?).

We can forgive Imelda for saying with temerity to the ignorant public that they never committed every single act of crime imputed on them. She said they had never stolen a single centavo from government coffers. She said they never committed any human rights violations. She said they were, instead of perpetrators, the victims in this splendid drama. It is only because the PCGG and our courts had failed to fulfill their mandates.

But for those who witnessed and lived in those years of repression and scarcity amidst abundance, for those who read and knowledgeable on those things, they felt insulted and robbed of the truth. For those who had written unspeakable horrors and distasteful vanities of totalitarianism, this is something that will cause instant revulsion.

It is no wonder that Imelda is suffering from dementia. Her husband exhibited the same kind of mental illness while he was running the affairs of the state. In his diary, which William Rempel had subjected to scrutiny in his Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos as Revealed in his Secret Diaries, Marcos was always in state of denial every time he was involved in a dirty controversy. Like the Dovie Beams affair, he was quick to disown that it happened. He saw himself as someone messianic that would save the Philippines from communism; thus he declared Martial Law.

Let Imelda continue believing in her own delusions but let us stop her from brainwashing the innocent. The role of educators is crucial in imparting to the next generation the excesses of the Marcoses and the lessons to be learned from abuse of power and privilege. That is why the state should never condone the sins of the past; these must be exposed through public discourse and instruction. That is why the PCGG must never compromise with the Marcoses because the side of the truth is with the people. That is why the prosecution and conviction of the Marcoses is the redemption of EDSA I and the people who still believe in justice. [For comments, email me at dissentpdn@gmail.com]

[First published in People's Digest Newsweekly (Dagupan City) (August 21-27, 2007)]

Pangasinan and Filipino

Is Pangasinan a dialect? To Governor Espino and others, Pangasinan is a Malayo-Polynesian language under the Austronesian group of languages. The difference between “language” and “dialect” can be known in the dictionary.

August is the designated month for the annual celebration of the national language, Filipino. But, the preceding and this year are different because the Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino under Dr. Ricardo Nolasco had decided to follow a different direction. No longer is the emphasis on Filipino exclusively wrapped in monolingual discourse. Last year’s theme was “Ang Buwan ng Wikang Pambansa ay Buwan ng mga Wika sa Pilipinas,” which placed the more than a hundred Philippine languages at par with Filipino. The Commission sponsored literary contests in Iloco, Bisaya including Pangasinan.

This year’s theme is even more radical: “Maraming wika, matatag na bansa.” Contrary to popular assertions, Nolasco debunks the idea that multilingualism is hindrance to unity and progress. In affirmation of our linguistic diversity, he encourages the use and promotion of other vernacular languages beside Filipino in education, teaching and other avenues for their development. The contests (poetry, short story and essay) had been expanded to include Bikol, Meranao, Maguindanao and Tausug.

Now is the auspicious time for Pangasinenses to elevate their language to the status that other languages enjoy or further. These languages have attained national acceptance in creative writing workshops and literary contests. Take the case of the Palanca Awards. Pangasinan is left out in their list unlike Iloco. We Pangasinenses must first destroy the myth that Pangasinan is an Iloco dialect. Pangasinan is a language on its own right with rich literature comparable with other languages.

Making Pangasinan alive in the halls of Urduja House is a good step but utilizing it more widely in government offices, business and education either through printed or broadcast media requires a concerted effort from the stakeholders - us. Can the Board Members at the capitol debate on pressing issues in Pangasinan? Is it possible that minutes of conferences and meetings, and resolutions be written in Pangasinan, not translated from English? Will it be used as medium of instruction in the primary school?

Answers to these foregoing questions also hinge on the need to evaluate our existing national language policy. Should we stick to the policy of bilingualism?

This however need not detain the Espino leadership from taking concrete and positive action in the preservation and development of Pangasinan. Kapampangans have their Center for Kapampangan Studies under the auspices of the Holy Angel University. I have visited their magnificent museum showcasing their rich history and culture. They also publish a magazine, Singsing and a peer-reviewed journal. In UP Visayas, in Miag-ao, there is the Center for West Visayan Studies while in UP Baguio, they had the Cordillera Studies Center. Why not establish Sentro ya Panaralay Pangasinan (not Center for Pangasinan Studies)? The Pangasinan State University (PSU) should take the first opportunity of housing the facility where scholars and literati can be accommodated.

Indeed, Pangasinan and Filipino are two beautiful languages as good as any language in the world. Say Pangasinan tan Filipino et paris na arom ya salita ed mundon kaukulan ya aroen tan itanduro.

[First published in People's Digest Newsweekly (Dagupan City)(August 14-20, 2007)]

Two Party System

The exercise of people’s electoral rights is one of the basic parameters of democracy. Vote-buying, cheating and violence are never tolerated; candidates are faithful to their respective parties and people’s trust in the elections is high. In retrospect, our elections, the latest was held in May, exhibit a political culture that perpetuates symptoms of floundering democracy as it permits fraud from the precinct up to the national level of canvassing and counting. Belonging to a party is important only during elections out of expediency.

In the US, where two-party system is the norm, loyalty to the party is important and political switching is a lost relic of the past. A two-party system, however, does not guarantee that politicians would remain loyal to the party they belonged to such that turncoatism is a taboo. It depends essentially on the tradition of the elite where an internal mechanism, not sanctioned by any enacted law, penalizes disloyalty.

Philippine colonial politics saw the dominance of one party, the Nacionalista in which Quezon and other prominent colonial politicians built their reputations, in contrast to the Democratas, Federalistas and Progresistas. Quezon, nostalgic possibly of the Partido Nacionalista’s dominance, relished the idea of a single party within a government under the rubric of a “partyless democracy”, which Renato Constantino, then a student-editor at UP, derided as prelude to totalitarianism. In less than forty years, a bar topnotcher, acquitted of murder, and one of Quezon’s boys, would become a dictator in Marcos. Philippine politics today is dominated by the party in power, usually a coalition party under the leadership of the president while other majority and minority parties constitute the opposition in a multi-party presidential system.

In contrast, US politicians are divided as member either of the Democratic Party or the Republican Party although other minority parties exist. Party allegiance is high not only among them but also among ordinary citizens. Being a member of a party, i.e. Republican or Democrat, speaks a lot about interests and values.

Its strength lies in the polarization between two contending parties as they deal with their respective platform. As long as the other party provides the alternative to the policies of the party in government, it would remain viable because the electorate had to opt for the other that would satisfy the inadequacy of the status quo. The danger is apparent when the other party, which is supposed to give an alternative, only assumes the responsibility of effecting regime change with minor modifications. In short, it does not provide real option. It seems to be a mirage for the confluence of interests and policies of the two parties.

In 2004, this bleak scenario fits the political debacle in the US. A two-party system paved the way for the collapse of democracy. The reason behind this is that more than 25 percent of Americans vote for the other candidate they do not believe represent their true sentiments because they are trapped in a system that disallows free and runoff elections. The other reason was Kerry.

Months before the electoral campaign kicked off, Bush had found an ally in Senator John Kerry. Kerry supported the American occupation of Iraq, justified Iraq’s continued occupation, and continuously professed his support of the occupation in the wake of protest from the American public. Also he was a crucial factor in the passage of the US Patriot Act, a law curtailing civil liberties of Americans suspected of being terrorists. He had championed the cause of the Iraq War and promised to do better than Bush.

If Bush had spoiled the war, Kerry had assured his supporters of effectively carrying out the war in Iraq. If Bush stood as the stupid devil, he postured as the wise Messiah to save US honor in Iraq and still pursue the same imperial policy. Such was the bane of a two-party system.

In the end, Dubya got reelected while Ralph Nader turned up a poor third, a victim of a dirty Democrat-Republican conspiracy. Come November 2008, can Americans get out from this dilemma? Or will corporate America still dictate its outcome?

[First published in People's Digest Newsweekly (Dagupan City)(August 7-13, 2007)]

Elections

Election fever in the United States becomes more intense than now as November not of this year but the next is approaching. According to the February survey by the ABC News, 65 % of people asked are closely following the elections. Will NY Sen. Hillary Clinton be the first woman president of the world’s lone superpower? Americans are not only the ones taking part in this exercise. People around the world are watching. Will policy changes particularly on Iraq occur after the transition to a new government or will it be the same?

Here, thanks to broadcast and print media, it caught the attention of some sectors of our society eager to get the picture of US political landscape. They engage in speculation or might be drawn into betting who would next occupy the White House. We Filipinos cared to know with interest because the election results could determine GMA’s policies vis-à-vis the US and also change in leadership would inevitably affect world affairs.

One of the lasting legacies of so-called American tutelage under McKinley’s “benevolent assimilation” is democracy. Election is democracy in action they say. If America is hailed as the “bastion of democracy,” the Philippines is touted as the “show window of democracy in Asia.” But elections Philippine-style is depressing to say the least.

Imagine a presidential candidate calling over the phone an election commissioner at the height of vote canvassing and counting; soldiers policing schools to ensure the win; ballot tampering; ballot box snatching; what comes to mind? Last May, Garci was back in Lintang Bedol, the perpetrator of the Maguindanao fiasco. Both have two things in common: both committed crimes of the same nature called “electoral sabotage” as defined by a new law and both are scot-free. In 2004, an Austrian described Philippine elections as “the slowest in the world.” Going back to the May elections with canvassing and counting lasting until July, so what’s new?

Are Philippine elections that bad? Yes but we are not alone and that’s our consolation.

Four years before the Garci tape scandal (it sounds like porn and indeed it is; hence, electoral pornography), that November, 60 000 voters were disenfranchised and more than a million of ballots mostly by Black voters were declared spoiled in that tight presidential contest. The number was critical in determining who would win that race and so, they petitioned the Supreme Court for a recount because they had sensed something amiss. Surprisingly and to their dismay, the Supreme Court stopped the recount as it accepted the verdict. In the end, the victor became the loser and the loser, the victor (again, what a coincidence!).

That took place in Florida, USA where thousands of Americans were not permitted to cast their votes. One thing then is sure that our bungling COMELEC does not monopolize the venalities of “democratic” institutions. George W. Bush Jr., that dim-witted guy, got elected with 537 vote margin over Al Gore and plunged America into a sordid misadventure in Iraq similar to their Vietnam.

They claim, and we foolishly accept it as true, that they taught us democracy in practice. Could we say they also learned from us? Maybe. Maybe not. Let us not hurry. Wait for November and see if any shades of Bedol comes out.

***

Dissent means to disagree, to differ in opinion. In this column, this being the inaugural issue, I will try to give you, dear readers, my point of view, judgment or whatever you call it on current events, local or international, against the backdrop of a limiting orthodoxy. Following the crowd can occasionally be positive but to be constantly carried away by conformity is dangerous. What is said by many does not direct you to the bottom of things but, almost at all times, to deception. I will not promise that much for to offer contrary belief can sometimes but not always lead to a real answer to a question. For comments, email me at dissentpdn@gmail.com.

[First published in People's Digest Newsweekly (Dagupan City) (July 31-August 6, 2007)]